Islam Definition Essay Example for Free

Islam Definition Essay For the past few months I have been overseas working in the wonderful country of India. I’ve observed many different things; many unusual things about this country. India has a wide variety of cultures and religions. The holiday I have learned about is called Hajj. Hajj means ‘to set out for a place’. Hajj is the pilgrimage that Muslims make to Makkah or also called Mecca , Saudi Arabia, and is one of the five basic requirements of Islam. It is a religious high point of a Muslim’s life and is an event that every Muslim dreams of being part of. Hajj is a religious obligation to be fulfilled at least once in the course of the life of each Muslim law grants, and is a series of detailed rituals. It is a Muslims obligation to be mindful of their friends and family and to all humans whatsoever. Islamic followers believe that every nation should have a unity so they can all worship God. They believe that through culture people will come together as a whole to praise God, and learn each other’s difficulties. All official duties are suppose to be completed between the ninth and thirteenth day of Hajj. There are three main pillars that are to be performed during Hajj. The first pillar is to get into a state of â€Å"Ihram† and intend to perform the pilgrimage. The second pillar is to stay at the field of â€Å"Arafat† on the ninth day of Hajj. If the person cannot complete the pilgrimage then he/she will have to try to complete it the following year. The third pillar is additional circling of the â€Å"Ka’ba† which is done after the first pillar and is performed from the tenth day of Hajj till the end of the month. These past couple months in India have been a great experience. I’ve learned a lot of new things, which has been something different for me. I would love to come back and visit all of the people that I have met, because everyone was so nice. Learning about the Hajj was very interesting to me, and I will go back and share all of my experiences with everyone back home.

Critical evaluation of An Inspector Calls Essay -- English Literature

Critical evaluation of An Inspector Calls An Inspector Calls ‘An Inspector Calls’ is a play set in the mystery/ detective thriller genre. It is set in 1912 however it was written by J.B Priestly in 1945 and staged in Moscow. As he lived through both wars he could see what had actually happened in the time the play was set. J.B Priestly uses the characters to express his views on the issue of social responsibility, morality and about class divisions with many themes including greed, regret, guilt and blame. ‘An Inspector Calls’ is about the Birling family who are quite wealthy. They are celebrating their daughters engagement with her fiancà ©, Gerald. An Inspector arrives and breaks up the party, questioning the family on the death of a young Eva Smith, who had killed herself by drinking disinfectant. Upon questioning each member of the family seems to be involved in her death and is slowly forced to confess. When the Inspector finally leaves they find out that he is a fake. But at the very end they get a phone call telling them that a young woman has just killed herself and that there is an Inspector on his way to speak to them about it. An Inspector Calls is what is known as a well made play. Its progression is that from ignorance to knowledge (for both the audience and the characters). During the course of the play the action is mostly focused on Eva Smith/ Daisy Renton. At the beginning of the play Sheila is described as a pretty girl in her early twenties, very pleased with life and rather excited. The reader gets the impression that she is a very relaxed, spoilt, and innocent girl who is very naà ¯ve. At the start of the play Sheila has a very good, happy relationship with her family and fianc... ...ing about the public finding out and if the inspector is real or fake. Sheila is the character which is explored in this essay. Responsibility is developed through her character as her reactions and responses are compared to her family’s. Although she is the youngest, she behaves in a mature manner answering the Inspector’s questions whereas her family refuses. She understands what has happened and takes responsibility for her actions. Change is developed from the beginning to the very end. In the beginning Sheila is carefree, innocent and naà ¯ve. She has no worries or concerns. However towards the end she develops a social conscience and an understanding of the real world. She is emotionally stronger and has doubts about her parents. She has learnt a lot from her experience and even though the inspector was a fraud she is still aware of her actions.

Had Rock Case Study

Case Study: Hard Rock Cafe 1. Describe three different forecasting applications at Hard Rock. Name three other areas in which you think Hard Rock could use forecasting models. The first forecasting application that Hard Rock uses is the point-of-sale system (POS), they can analyze sales data, maintain a sales history, and improve their pricing of products. The second application Hard Rock uses is the 3-year weighted moving average to help evaluate managers and to set their bonuses. And the third application Hard Rock uses is multiple regression to help figure out how to set up the menu.Managers can compute the impact on demand of other menu items if the price of one item is changed. Three other areas Hard Rock could use forecasting models is seasonal forecasting for the menu, customer satisfaction with/without entertainment, and new menu items and its impact. 2. What is the role of the POS system in forecasting at Hard Rock? The POS System counts every person who walks through the do or. The system gathers information from what the customers’ buy or even if they just walk in. From this transaction, they then compile statistics on the average consumer.The statistics combined with data on weather, conventions and food/beverage costs affect the finalized forecasts. Since most of Hard Rock’s information is all gathered into one POS system, it becomes their core of all their strategies and basics for forecasting. 3. Justify the use of the weighting system used for evaluating managers for annual bonuses. Using the weighting system, Hard Rock can more accurately predict sales and the bonuses act as an incentive for managers to exceed previous years sales.The three-year model helps to ensure that managers will strive to make sure the company does well in the long-term to maximize future earnings. 4. Name several variables besides those mentioned in the case that could be used as good predictors of daily sales in each cafe. Some variables that can help as g ood predictors of daily sales would be the age demographic that comes to the stores and the times the come, vacations and holiday times, and when competitors have sales or offers. . At Hard Rock’s Moscow restaurant, the manager is trying to evaluate how a new advertising campaign affects guest counts. Using data for the past 10 months (see table) develop a least squares regression relationship and then forecast the expected guest count when advertising is $65,000. Data: MONTH| 1| 2| 3| 4| 5| 6| 7| 8| 9| 10| Guest count (in thousands)| 21| 24| 27| 32| 29| 37| 43| 43| 54| 66| Advertising (in $ thousands)| 14| 17| 25| 25| 35| 35| 45| 50| 60| 60| Advertising (in $ thousands)| Guest Count (in thousands)| x^2| xy| | | 14| 21| 196| 294| | | 17| 24| 289| 408| | | 25| 27| 625| 675| | | 25| 32| 625| 800| | | 35| 29| 1225| 1015| | | 35| 37| 1225| 1295| | | 45| 43| 2025| 1935| | | 50| 43| 2500| 2150| | | 60| 54| 3600| 3240| | | 60| 66| 3600| 3960| | Sum| 366| 376| 15910| 15772| | | | | | | | | | | y=a+bx| | | x| 36. 6| | investment| 65000| | y| 37. 6| | # of Guests| 60307| | b| 0. 800| | | | | a| 8. 34| | | | | | | | | | |

Fusion or no Fusion of Equity and the Common Law at a Substantive Level

Since the administrative fusion of the Common Law and Equity Courts after the 1873 and 1875 Acts, there has been a lot of controversy over whether to fuse both equity and common law. There are valid arguments both for and against fusion. Those arguing for the fusion of Equity and Common Law at a substantive level often comment on the inconsistency created by equity’s intervention in law.‘There would sometimes be arbitrary gaps in the common law, that is situations where the common law refused a claim despite allowing claims in other situations which were materially similar.1 With both Common Law and Equity offering different solutions to the same legal issues, it is argued that for justice there must be consistency with judicial rulings.2 The current system means that in certain cases the right to an equitable remedy is more valuable.An example of inconsistencies between case verdicts due to Equity and Common Law having different principles is that of having legal and eq uitable title to property. If a person has the legal beneficial title to a house and the deeds are stolen and sold to a third party they can only claim the value of the house back. Whilst with equitable title the person could use Equity to get the house back. Examples like this reinforce the argument for fusion because everybody would get the same remedies.Some might also argue that rather than the facts of the cases being used to determine the outcome of a case, with Equity the fact that different people made the decisions at different times had an influence on the rulings. Using Equity to bypass the Common Law rather than amending the Common Law. Another reason for fusion is that Equity allows judges to depart from common law and statutes in order to create new law. With Parliament being sovereign the idea of unelected judges creating law is undemocratic.Without the power to use Equity to depart from Common Law judges would be more accountable to parliament. If Equity and Common L aw were both fused then the discrepancies between cases would disappear. A mix of Equity and Common Law principles would be applied and the same conclusion would be found in each case. Although Equity and Common Law have already fused the courts in which they apply the substantive law has not been fused yet. There is a good case against the fusion of the two on a substantive level.Many argue that the purpose of the Judicature Acts was only to fuse the administrative aspects of Equity and Common Law. Those who argue for a substantive merger are often accused of committing a ‘fusion fallacy’.3. Equity has often supplemented Common Law where the interests of justice and of social and economic change arose. Equity’s trust concept and the modern law of mortgages would not exist if it was not for the intervention of equity. Although it may seem that the day of equity establishing legal principles before their time has passed, one day equity may be needed again.However ‘there is a danger that we will have elevated equity to the status of free-standing moral guardian of society’4.If equity is still allowed to have the power of extending the boundaries of the law. This is dangerous because there would be no legislative body to check the power of equity. Despite all this it would be extremely difficult to actually integrate the two, let alone compare them because they are entirely different. ‘Equity accordingly gives the common law a much needed injection of morality.’If Equity was merged with Common Law it wouldn’t be able to express its identity and intervene in cases of unconscionability, due to the rigidness of common law. The two are so ideologically distinct that one of the two would be dominant over the other. They ‘are working in different ways towards the same ends, and it is therefore as wrong to assert the independence of one from the other as it is to assert that there is no difference between them.6 However it would be wrong to say that the two have not mingled. Many believe it is better to view the two as distinct and mutual dependent of each other.With the fusion of Equity and Common Law would come the destruction of equitable concepts; ‘Equitable concepts like trusts, equitable estates and consequent equitable remedies must continue to exist apart, if not in isolation, from common law rules.8 These concepts have been formed in areas where Common Law would not allow suitable solutions to be created. Equity and common law might well be merged one day but the harmonization process required to allow them to integrate with one another would probably change the two so much that they are no longer as they started as.This would mean one would likely become dominant over the other. I believe that the two should be kept distinct and separate from one another, Equity’s sole purpose is to supplement the Common Law where it would operate harshly. If the two became fused tog ether Equity would no longer be able to deviate from the strict rules of law to deliver an equitable solution for those in need. It is said that Equity works on discretion, though some might believe the common law now works on a degree of discretion, and so the need for them to be fused together is not even necessary never mind more desirable.

President John F. Kennedy Gives Man on the Moon Speech

President John F. Kennedy Gives Man on the Moon Speech President John F. Kennedy delivered this speech, Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs, on May 25, 1961 before a joint session of Congress. In this speech, JFK stated that the United States should set as a goal the landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth by the end of the decade. Acknowledging that the Soviets had a head start in their space program, Kennedy urged the U.S. to work diligently to lead the achievements of space travel because in many ways [it] may hold the key to our future on earth. Full Text of the Man on the Moon Speech Given By President John F. Kennedy Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, my copartners in Government, gentlemen-and ladies: The Constitution imposes upon me the obligation to from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union. While this has traditionally been interpreted as an annual affair, this tradition has been broken in extraordinary times. These are extraordinary times. And we face an extraordinary challenge. Our strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the role of leader in freedoms cause. No role in history could be more difficult or more important. We stand for freedom. That is our conviction for ourselvesthat is our only commitment to others. No friend, no neutral and no adversary should think otherwise. We are not against any manor any nationor any systemexcept as it is hostile to freedom. Nor am I here to present a new military doctrine, bearing any one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to promote the freedom doctrine. I. THE GLOBAL STAGE The great battleground for the defense and expansion of freedom today is the whole southern half of the globeAsia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle Eastthe lands of the rising peoples. Their revolution is the greatest in human history. They seek an end to injustice, tyranny, and exploitation. More than an end, they seek a beginning. And theirs is a revolution which we would support regardless of the Cold War, and regardless of which political or economic route they should choose to freedom. For the adversaries of freedom did not create the revolution; nor did they create the conditions which compel it. But they are seeking to ride the crest of its waveto capture it for themselves. Yet their aggression is more often concealed than open. They have fired no missiles; and their troops are seldom seen. They send arms, agitators, aid, technicians and propaganda to every troubled area. But where fighting is required, it is usually done by othersby guerrillas striking at night, by assassins striking aloneassassins who have taken the lives of four thousand civil officers in the last twelve months in Vietnam aloneby subversives and saboteurs and insurrectionists, who in some cases control whole areas inside of independent nations. [At this point the following paragraph, which appears in the text as signed and transmitted to the Senate and House of Representatives, was omitted in the reading of the message: They possess a powerful intercontinental striking force, large forces for conventional war, a well-trained underground in nearly every country, the power to conscript talent and manpower for any purpose, the capacity for quick decisions, a closed society without dissent or free information, and long experience in the techniques of violence and subversion. They make the most of their scientific successes, their economic progress and their pose as a foe of colonialism and friend of popular revolution. They prey on unstable or unpopular governments, unsealed, or unknown boundaries, unfilled hopes, convulsive change, massive poverty, illiteracy, unrest and frustration.] With these formidable weapons, the adversaries of freedom plan to consolidate their territoryto exploit, to control, and finally to destroy the hopes of the worlds newest nations; and they have ambition to do it before the end of this decade. It is a contest of will and purpose as well as force and violencea battle for minds and souls as well as lives and territory. And in that contest, we cannot stand aside. We stand, as we have always stood from our earliest beginnings, for the independence and equality of all nations. This nation was born of revolution and raised in freedom. And we do not intend to leave an open road for despotism. There is no single simple policy which meets this challenge. Experience has taught us that no one nation has the power or the wisdom to solve all the problems of the world or manage its revolutionary tidesthat extending our commitments does not always increase our securitythat any initiative carries with it the risk of a temporary defeatthat nuclear weapons cannot prevent subversionthat no free people can be kept free without will and energy of their ownand that no two nations or situations are exactly alike. Yet there is much we can doand must do. The proposals I bring before you are numerous and varied. They arise from the host of special opportunities and dangers which have become increasingly clear in recent months. Taken together, I believe that they can mark another step forward in our effort as a people. I am here to ask the help of this Congress and the nation in approving these necessary measures. II. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS AT HOME The first and basic task confronting this nation this year was to turn recession into recovery. An affirmative anti-recession program, initiated with your cooperation, supported the natural forces in the private sector; and our economy is now enjoying renewed confidence and energy. The recession has been halted. Recovery is under way. But the task of abating unemployment and achieving a full use of our resources does remain a serious challenge for us all. Large-scale unemployment during a recession is bad enough, but large-scale unemployment during a period of prosperity would be intolerable. I am therefore transmitting to the Congress a new Manpower Development and Training program, to train or retrain several hundred thousand workers, particularly in those areas where we have seen chronic unemployment as a result of technological factors in new occupational skills over a four-year period, in order to replace those skills made obsolete by automation and industrial change with the new skills which the new processes demand. It should be a satisfaction to us all that we have made great strides in restoring world confidence in the dollar, halting the outflow of gold and improving our balance of payments. During the last two months, our gold stocks actually increased by seventeen million dollars, compared to a loss of 635 million dollars during the last two months of 1960. We must maintain this progressand this will require the cooperation and restraint of everyone. As recovery progresses, there will be temptations to seek unjustified price and wage increases. These we cannot afford. They will only handicap our efforts to compete abroad and to achieve full recovery here at home. Labor and management mustand I am confident that they willpursue responsible wage and price policies in these critical times. I look to the Presidents Advisory Committee on  Labor Management  Policy to give a strong lead in this direction. Moreover, if the  budget deficit  now increased by the needs of our security is to be held within manageable proportions, it will be necessary to hold tightly to prudent fiscal standards; and I request the cooperation of the Congress in this regardto refrain from adding funds or programs, desirable as they may be, to the Budgetto end the postal deficit, as my predecessor also recommended, through increased ratesa deficit incidentally, this year, which exceeds the fiscal 1962 cost of all the space and defense measures that I am submitting todayto provide full pay-as-you-go highway financingand to close those tax loopholes earlier specified. Our security and progress cannot be cheaply purchased; and their price must be found in what we all forego as well as what we all must pay. III. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS ABROAD I stress the strength of our economy because it is essential to the strength of our nation. And what is true in our case is true in the case of other countries. Their strength in the struggle for freedom depends on the strength of their economic and their social progress. We would be badly mistaken to consider their problems in military terms alone. For no amount of arms and armies can help stabilize those governments which are unable or unwilling to achieve social and economic reform and development. Military pacts cannot help nations whose social injustice and economic chaos invite insurgency and penetration and subversion. The most skillful counter-guerrilla efforts cannot succeed where the local population is too caught up in its own misery to be concerned about the advance of communism. But for those who share this view, we stand ready now, as we have in the past, to provide generously of our skills, and our capital, and our food to assist the peoples of the less-developed nations to reach their goals in freedomto help them before they are engulfed in crisis. This is also our great opportunity in 1961. If we grasp it, then subversion to prevent its success is exposed as an unjustifiable attempt to keep these nations from either being free or equal. But if we do not pursue it, and if they do not pursue it, the bankruptcy of unstable governments, one by one, and of unfilled hopes will surely lead to a series of totalitarian receiverships. Earlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program for aiding emerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legislation to implement this program, to establish a new Act for International Development, and to add to the figures previously requested, in view of the swift pace of critical events, an additional 250 million dollars for a Presidential Contingency Fund, to be used only upon a Presidential determination in each case, with regular and complete reports to the Congress in each case, when there is a sudden and extraordinary drain upon our regular funds which we cannot foreseeas illustrated by recent events in Southeast Asiaand it makes necessary the use of this emergency reserve. The total amount requestednow raised to 2.65 billion dollarsis both minimal and crucial. I do not see how anyone who is concernedas we all areabout the growing threats to freedom around the globeand who is asking what more we can do as a peoplecan weaken or oppose the sin gle most important program available for building the frontiers of freedom. IV. TOOLS FOR A GLOBAL STRUGGLE All that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a world-wide struggle in which we bear a heavy burden to preserve and promote the ideals that we share with all mankind, or have alien ideals forced upon them. That struggle has highlighted the role of our Information Agency. It is essential that the funds previously requested for this effort be not only approved in full but increased by 2 million, 400 thousand dollars, to a total of 121 million dollars. This new request is for additional radio and television to Latin America and Southeast Asia. These tools are particularly effective and essential in the cities and villages of those great continents as a means of reaching millions of uncertain peoples to tell them of our interest in their fight for freedom. In Latin America, we are proposing to increase our Spanish and Portuguese broadcasts to a total of 154 hours a week, compared to 42 hours today, none of which is in Portuguese, the language of about one-third of the people of South America. The Soviets, Red Chinese and satellites already broadcast into Latin America more than 134 hours a week in Spanish and Portuguese. Communist China alone does more public information broadcasting in our own hemisphere than we do. Moreover, powerful propaganda broadcasts from Havana now are heard throughout Latin America, encouraging new revolutions in several countries. Similarly, in Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, we must communicate our determination and support to those upon whom our hopes for resisting the communist tide in that continent ultimately depend. Our interest is in the truth. V. OUR PARTNERSHIP FOR SELF-DEFENSE But while we talk of sharing and building and the competition of ideas, others talk of arms and threaten war. So we have learned to keep our defenses strongand to cooperate with others in a partnership of self-defense. The events of recent weeks have caused us to look anew at these efforts. The center of freedoms defense is our network of world alliances, extending from NATO, recommended by a  Democratic President  and approved by a Republican Congress, to SEATO, recommended by a  Republican President  and approved by a Democratic Congress. These alliances were constructed in the 1940s and 1950sit is our task and responsibility in the 1960s to strengthen them. To meet the changing conditions of powerand power relationships have changedwe have endorsed an increased emphasis on NATOs conventional strength. At the same time we are affirming our conviction that the NATO nuclear deterrent must also be kept strong. I have made clear our intention to commit to the NATO command, for this purpose, the 5 Polaris submarines originally suggested by  President Eisenhower, with the possibility, if needed, of more to come. Second, a major part of our partnership for self-defense is the Military Assistance Program. The main burden of local defense against local attack, subversion, insurrection or guerrilla warfare must of necessity rest with local forces. Where these forces have the necessary will and capacity to cope with such threats, our intervention is rarely necessary or helpful. Where the will is present and only capacity is lacking, our Military Assistance Program can be of help. But this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis. It cannot be extended without regard to the social, political and military reforms essential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and training provided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own foreign and military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local leaders desire for military display. And military assistance can, in addition to its military purposes, make a contribution to economic progress, as do our own Army Engineers. In an earlier message, I requested 1.6 billion dollars for Military Assistance, stating that this would maintain existing force levels, but that I could not foresee how much more might be required. It is now clear that this is not enough. The present crisis in Southeast Asia, on which the  Vice President  has made a valuable reportthe rising threat of communism in  Latin Americathe increased arms traffic in Africaand all the new pressures on every nation found on the map by tracing your fingers along the borders of the Communist bloc in Asia and the Middle Eastall make clear the dimension of our needs. I therefore request the Congress to provide a total of 1.885 billion dollars for Military Assistance in the coming fiscal yearan amount less than that requested a year agobut a minimum which must be assured if we are to help those nations make secure their independence. This must be prudently and wisely spentand that will be our common endeavor. Military and economic assistance has been a heavy burden on our citizens for a long time, and I recognize the strong pressures against it; but this battle is far from over, it is reaching a crucial stage, and I believe we should participate in it. We cannot merely state our opposition to totalitarian advance without paying the price of helping those now under the greatest pressure. VI. OUR OWN MILITARY AND INTELLIGENCE SHIELD In line with these developments, I have directed a further reinforcement of our own capacity to deter or resist non-nuclear aggression. In the conventional field, with one exception, I find no present need for large new levies of men. What is needed is rather a change of position to give us still further increases in flexibility. Therefore, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake a reorganization and modernization of the Armys divisional structure, to increase its non-nuclear firepower, to improve its tactical mobility in any environment, to insure its flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat, to facilitate its coordination with our major allies, and to provide more modern mechanized divisions in Europe and bring their equipment up to date, and new airborne brigades in both the Pacific and Europe. And secondly, I am asking the Congress for an additional 100 million dollars to begin the procurement task necessary to re-equip this new Army structure with the most modern material. New helicopters, new armored personnel carriers, and new howitzers, for example, must be obtained now. Third, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand rapidly and substantially, in cooperation with our Allies, the orientation of existing forces for the conduct of non-nuclear war, paramilitary operations and sub-limited or unconventional wars. In addition our special forces and unconventional warfare units will be increased and reoriented. Throughout the services new emphasis must be placed on the special skills and languages which are required to work with local populations. Fourth, the Army is developing plans to make possible a much more rapid deployment of a major portion of its highly trained reserve forces. When these plans are completed and the reserve is strengthened, two combat-equipped divisions, plus their supporting forces, a total of 89,000 men, could be ready in an emergency for operations with but 3 weeks notice2 more divisions with but 5 weeks noticeand six additional divisions and their supporting forces, making a total of 10 divisions, could be deployable with less than 8 weeks notice. In short, these new plans will allow us to almost double the combat power of the Army in less than two months, compared to the nearly nine months heretofore required. Fifth, to enhance the already formidable ability of the Marine Corps to respond to limited war emergencies, I am asking the Congress for 60 million dollars to increase the Marine Corps strength to 190,000 men. This will increase the initial impact and staying power of our three Marine divisions and three air wings, and provide a trained nucleus for further expansion, if necessary for self-defense. Finally, to cite one other area of activities that are both legitimate and necessary as a means of self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole intelligence effort must be reviewed, and its coordination with other elements of policy assured. The Congress and the American people are entitled to know that we will institute whatever new organization, policies, and control are necessary. VII. CIVIL DEFENSE One major element of the  national security program  which this nation has never squarely faced up to is civil defense. This problem arises not from present trends but from national inaction in which most of us have participated. In the past decade we have intermittently considered a variety of programs, but we have never adopted a consistent policy. Public considerations have been largely characterized by apathy, indifference and skepticism; while, at the same time, many of the civil defense plans have been so far-reaching and unrealistic that they have not gained essential support. This Administration has been looking hard at exactly what civil defense can and cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an assurance of blast protection that will be proof against surprise attack or guaranteed against obsolescence or destruction. And it cannot deter a nuclear attack. We will deter an enemy from making a nuclear attack only if our retaliatory power is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be destroyed by our response. If we have that strength, civil defense is not needed to deter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not be an adequate substitute. But this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by rational men. And the history of this planet, and particularly the history of the 20th century, is sufficient to remind us of the possibilities of an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an accidental war, [or a war of escalation in which the stakes by each side gradually increase to the point of maximum danger] which cannot be either foreseen or deterred. It is on this basis that civil defense can be readily justifiableas insurance for the civilian population in case of an enemy miscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be neededbut insurance which we could never forgive ourselves for foregoing in the event of catastrophe. Once the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point in delaying the initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying present fallout shelter capacity and providing shelter in new and existing structures. Such a program would protect millions of people against the hazards of radioactive fallout in the event of large-scale nuclear attack. Effective performance of the entire program not only requires new legislative authority and more funds but also sound organizational arrangements. Therefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1958, I am assigning responsibility for this program to the top civilian authority already responsible for continental defense, the Secretary of Defense. It is important that this function remain civilian, in nature and leadership; and this feature will not be changed. The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization will be reconstituted as a small staff agency to assist in the coordination of these functions. To more accurately describe its role, its title should be changed to the Office of Emergency Planning. As soon as those newly charged with these responsibilities have prepared new authorization and appropriation requests, such requests will be transmitted to the Congress for a much-strengthened Federal-State civil defense program. Such a program will provide Federal funds for identifying fallout shelter capacity in existing, structures, and it will include, where appropriate, incorporation of shelter in Federal buildings, new requirements for shelter in buildings constructed with  Federal assistance, and matching grants and other incentives for constructing shelter in State and local and private buildings. Federal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under this program will in all likelihood be more than triple the pending budget requests; and they will increase sharply in subsequent years. Financial participation will also be required from State and local governments and from private citizens. But no insurance is cost-free; and every American citizen and his community must decide for themselves whether this form of survival insurance justifies the expenditure of effort, time and money. For myself, I am convinced that it does. VIII. DISARMAMENT I cannot end this discussion of defense and armaments without emphasizing our strongest hope: the creation of an orderly world where disarmament will be possible. Our aims do not prepare for warthey are efforts to discourage and resist the adventures of others that could end in war. That is why it is consistent with these efforts that we continue to press for properly safeguarded disarmament measures. At Geneva, in cooperation with the United Kingdom, we have put forward concrete proposals to make clear our wish to meet the Soviets half way in an effective nuclear test ban treatythe first significant but essential step on the road towards disarmament. Up to now, their response has not been what we hoped, but Mr. Dean returned last night to Geneva, and we intend to go the last mile in patience to secure this gain if we can.

Algorithm design as it relates to time complexity problems like Research Paper

Algorithm design as it relates to time complexity problems like reducing fractions without using the euclidean algorithm for GCD - Research Paper Example The main difference of Algorithms both circuit implementation, testing and results expected. Modern processors that perform calculations need Algorithm design for present and future programmers. The paper also explains some key terms as used in the text in relation to computer design. It covers the need to maintain optimal code for future programmers due to complexity of testing circuits. Key words: Euclid’s Algorithm, Stein’s Algorithm, Built-In-Self-Test and Linear Feedback Shift Register. Algorithm Design Review of steps involved in solving time complexity problems 1. Euclidean algorithm Euclidean algorithm is an ancient efficient method used in computing the greatest common divisor (GCD) of two integers. The simplest Euclid’s algorithm starts with two positive integers. This then form a new pair that consists of the smaller number and the difference between the smaller and larger numbers. The process repeats until the numbers are equal. The resultant number t hen is the greatest common divisor of the original two integers. Euclid algorithm is described as GCD(a, 0) = a GCD(a, b) = GCD(b, a mod b) If and b>0, then GCD(a, a) = a GCD(a, b) = GCD(a - b, b) ; if b < a GCD(a, b) = GCD(a, b - a) ; if a < b For example, GCD(20, 0) is 20. Similarly, GCD(20, 10) is same as GCD((20-10), 10) = GCD(10, 10) = 10. 2. Stein’s Algorithm This algorithm is also a binary GCD algorithm. It computes the greatest common divisor of two nonnegative integers (Purdy, 1983). It is more efficient over the ancient Euclidean algorithm because it replaces multiplication and divisions with shifts, which are cheaper when operating on the binary representation used by modern computers. This is critical on embedded platforms available that do not have direct processor support for calculations of division. Stein’s algorithm is described as GCD(0, v) = v GCD(u, 0) = u GCD(0, 0) = 0 When v and u are even, then GCD(u, v) = 2.GCD(u/2, v/2) For an even u and an odd v, then GCD(u, v) = GCD(u/2 v) Similarly, if v is even and u is odd, then GCD(u, v) = GCD(u, v/2) In case, v and u are both odd, and if u ? v, then GCD(u, v) = GCD((u – v)/2, v) In case, both are odd, and u < v, then GCD(u, v) = GCD((v – u)/2, u) When initially solving a problem, how might one detect that a solution needs extra attention with respect to an efficient algorithm vs standard solutions where a highly efficient solution may be indistinguishable from an inefficient one? Identification of a problem is the first step towards solving a given mathematical equation. It involves examining for complexity to be able to simplify before any other complex operations take place. Time requirements spell complexity and attention are hence worth considering. Built-In Self Test (BIST) Modern computers have a built in IC for testing. This technique integrates the functionality of an automated test system within a chip. It is a Design where testing is accomplished by the help of built in hardware features. BIST has test controller, response verification and test generator. Test generator is responsible for generating test address sequence that compares the output from memory with the expected correct data. The BIST controller can be either hardwired logic, microcode controller or based on processor (Rekha Devi, 2011). Specifically discuss the potential tradeoff between an easy to understand inefficient solution vs a difficult to follow efficient solution. By employing Linear Feedback Shift

Ethical Hacking the three shades White Hat, Black Hat, Gray Hat Research Proposal

Ethical Hacking the three shades White Hat, Black Hat, Gray Hat - Research Proposal Example The researcher employed both qualitative and quantitative research design methods of attacking a computer network. In the conclusion part, the summary was included that summed up the research work. The researcher recommended that there is a need for future research to offer adequate analysis on the way ethical hackers will implement effective risk management plan, which will enable Internet users or businesses to protect their data from hacking activities. INTRODUCTION Ethical hacking as a risk management technique is the use of programming skills in determining vulnerabilities in the computer system. There are varied types of ethical hackers including the White Hat, Black Hat and Grey Hat; thus, both focus on building a risk management program effective for eliminating vulnerabilities. The rapid advancement of technology has brought many constructive and significant solutions to the life of people. New areas of research have tremendously increased in e-commerce, electronic activitie s and information sharing areas. However, with the increased technology advancement, there have been a growing number of cybercrimes and criminal hacking activities. Businesses and other Internet users are nowadays scared of computer experts who will offer risk management through penetrating into their web server to offer adequate security. Therefore, there is a need for computer science students to advance their ethical hacking techniques in order to fight against the increasing problems of criminal hacking. Project Goals The project attempts to offer a comprehensive risks management plan effective for eliminating hacking activities in varied organizations. It identifies the risks resulting from hacking and offer effecting hacking methods that hackers will employ to manage organizational risks. It analyses the process of ethical hackings and also attempt to find out the pros or cons arising from ethical hacking. LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter will employ varied literature materials in order to examine the way the previous scholars have argued about ethical hacking issues. Tiller (2005) offer varied methodologies and unwritten convention that ethical hackers should employ in order to offer the maximum value to companies that want to manage organizational risks. The author reveals the technical aspects of penetration testing in order to address the engagement rules necessary for successful technical tests. Jahankhani (2010) also reveals the way cybercrimes has become one of the biggest problems in many industries across the globe; thus, reveals varied aspects including implementation, investigative techniques and criminal intelligence in fighting cybercrimes. The author aimed to educate the academia members, public and private sectors, as well as, students on the way to overcome cybercrimes issues. Logan and Clarkson (2005) reveal the significant need to educate computer science students to hack; thus enabling them to become experts in managing risks or vulnera bilities arising from hacking activities. HYPOTHESIS Hacking will likely to pose risks such as exposing sensitive user data and risk user privacy; thus making information vulnerable to illegitimate use and manipulation. Therefore, it triggers theft of critical business information because important information may be lost in the process hacking. This is because hacking can convert computer into zombies; thus contributing to spamming and phishing